Late Lessons, Jensen Huang and AI

LL2-27 hindsight check: Ch 27, “More or less precaution?” (David Gee)#

Late lessons from early warnings: science, precaution, innovation (EEA Report No 1/2013), report pp. 643–669 (text pp. 643–662). Hindsight window: 2013 to late September 2026. Checked against the digest (digests/LL2-27.md) and the source extract (text/chunks/LL2-27.txt).

Method note. The session’s web-search allowance was used up before this task began; the first search returned a budget error. Evidence was therefore gathered by retrieving primary sources directly:

Items cited from their official identifiers but not re-read in this session are marked [not re-retrieved]. Items resting on news or advocacy sources are marked [secondary]. Without a search engine, post-2013 critiques I did not already know of, or could not reach through bibliographic databases, may be missing. That gap matters most for claim 5 (funding bias in cost–benefit analysis) and claim 8 (international participation arrangements).

Scope note. Ch 27 is a cross-cutting synthesis by the project’s originator and editor. Most of its factual claims summarise other chapters. The check below does two things:

Annex 3 (updates of 2001 cases) falls outside this task’s file permissions and was not consulted. The chapter’s minor factual slips noted in the digest (“Johnson & Johnson … 1977”; “baby toys”) are not rechecked here.


Overview#

The diagnosis has held up better than the prescription. Evidence since 2013 has repeatedly confirmed the chapter’s account of why action on early warnings is slow. It has not confirmed the chapter’s claim that more precaution would reliably reduce harm and stimulate innovation. Over the same period that claim became the central point of political dispute.

Barriers and product defence (claims 1, 3): held up. Newly disclosed documents extend the “product defence” pattern well beyond the chapter’s cases:

Two cautions apply. Much of this evidence concerns conduct before 2013 that surfaced only through litigation or archives. The “manufactured doubt” label is itself now contested in specific cases: the glyphosate retraction drew a counter-campaign in 2026, and regulators’ conclusions on glyphosate were unchanged.

Evidence standards (claims 1, 4): the dispute became explicit policy on both sides of the Atlantic.

Statistical practice (claim 4): partly held up. Misuse of significance testing is now widely acknowledged (ASA 2016; Amrhein et al. 2019), and p-value reporting remains entrenched (Choi et al. 2026 preprint). The replication crisis, however, shows that research methods also generate false positives. The chapter’s one-directional claim that methods are biased toward false negatives needs qualifying.

Funding bias (claim 5): partly held up. The funding effect is firmly established for drug and device trials (Cochrane 2017). It is evident in sugar-sweetened beverage reviews and GM Bt-crop studies. It is weaker and non-significant in a meta-analysis of nutrition studies (2016). For cost–benefit analysis the chapter’s “routinely” remains an assertion. The best retrospective work finds ex ante regulatory costs usually exceed ex post costs, but argues this need not reflect bias.

The chapter’s “emerging hazards” have diverged (claim 6).

Area What happened after 2013 Direction
BPA EFSA cut the tolerable daily intake 20,000-fold (2023); EU ban (2024) Toward the chapter’s view, but still contested by BfR, EMA and the US FDA
Neonicotinoids EU outdoor ban (2018); court rulings (2023, 2025) Toward the chapter’s view, with real agronomic trade-offs
Endocrine disrupters New EU hazard classes (2023) Toward the chapter’s view
PFAS Became the archetypal persistent consumer-chemical problem Toward the chapter’s view
GM food US National Academies (2016) and the EU-funded G-TwYST feeding trials (2019) found no health difference; the EU relaxed rules for “category 1” gene-edited plants (Reg. 2026/1388) Away from the chapter’s grouping
Mobile phones and brain cancer WHO-commissioned review (2024): moderate-certainty evidence of no increased risk; COSMOS cohort (2024); MOBI-Kids (2021/22). Animal evidence of tumours in male rats is rated high-certainty, and IARC has made re-evaluation a high priority Away from the chapter’s grouping
Nanotechnology Specific hazard signals (one carbon nanotube; the food additive E171) but no broad pattern of harm; the research-quality problem was as large as the knowledge gap Mixed

Innovation and lock-in (claim 7): partly held up. The lock-in half gained strong new evidence. The US EPA’s 2024 asbestos rule found asbestos-diaphragm chlor-alkali plants 42–83 years old, with 5–12-year conversions to more energy-efficient membrane technology. The innovation half holds only in the weak Porter sense: regulation induces innovation, but meta-analyses find no reliable net competitiveness gain. Regrettable substitution recurred and the chapter does not address it: BPA to BPS/BPF, CFCs to HFCs, and fluorinated replacements in firefighting foams.

Participation and transparency (claim 8): partly held up. EU food-chain transparency went well beyond the “EFSA 2013” improvements the chapter cites (Regulation 2019/1381). NGOs gained standing to challenge pesticide approvals (Aarhus amendment 2021; PAN Europe v Commission, December 2025). Structured public participation in framing hazard questions, the chapter’s central recommendation, remains limited.

Interphone (claim 9): weakened. The published abstract leads with “Overall, no increase in risk”, which the chapter omits. Later work weakens both the chapter’s reading of Interphone and its diagnosis of the confusion:

The overall prescription (claim 10): contested. After about 2019 the policy climate moved against it:

EU and French courts pushed back in specific cases (neonicotinoids 2023; the French Constitutional Council 2025). No systematic evidence yet shows that “wider use” of precaution has had net effects either way.

Net weight for use as a lens.

Summary of verdicts

# Claim (page) Verdict
1 Seven barriers explain much of the delay (p. 645) Held up
2 Public research funding skewed to product development; ~3% of EUR 28.5 bn, 1% of USDA biotech (p. 646) Partly held up
3 Industries defending hazardous products will use similar strategies, including controlling research (pp. 645–646) Held up
4 Methods biased toward false negatives; absent Bradford Hill features not robust; significance misuse persists (pp. 652–654) Partly held up
5 Funding bias pervasive; routinely affects cost–benefit analysis (p. 654) Partly held up
6 “Vast ocean of ignorance” around nano, GM food, mobile phones, consumer chemicals; BPA, neonicotinoids, EDCs as emerging risks (pp. 644, 655) Partly held up
7 Early action stimulates innovation; late action consolidates monopolies at unrealistically low prices (p. 659) Partly held up
8 Participation not reflected in most arrangements; European authorities improving (pp. 659–660) Partly held up
9 Interphone confusion arose because scientists did not separate suggestive evidence from causal proof (p. 657) Weakened
10 Wider use of the PP would anticipate and minimise hazards while stimulating innovation (p. 662) Contested

Claim 1. Seven common barriers “explain much about the decades-long delay between warnings and action”#

Original claim (p. 645). Across the case studies, seven barriers “explain much about the decades‑long delay between warnings and action”:

  1. opposition from powerful corporations “supported by some scientists, policymakers and politicians”;
  2. misunderstandings about the PP’s definition;
  3. difficulty with complex, multicausal systems, uncertainty, ignorance and “surprises”;
  4. tension between the high strength of evidence needed for scientific causality and the lower strength needed for timely policy;
  5. inadequate cost–benefit analysis and “unrealistic market prices” that externalise costs;
  6. political and financial short-termism;
  7. failure to engage civil society.

Barriers 1, 6 and 7 are said to concern political and economic power, and 2–5 the technical application of knowledge.

Subsequent developments, barrier by barrier

Barrier 1: corporate opposition. New documentary evidence has strongly reinforced this barrier (details under claim 3).

Barrier 2: misunderstanding of the PP. Confusion has not been resolved, but it has shifted.

Barrier 3: complexity and multicausality. This has been partly institutionalised.

Barrier 4: the standard of proof. This is now an explicit political fault line, which is strong confirmation that it is a real barrier.

Barrier 5: cost analysis and unrealistic prices. This remains live and politically reversible.

Barrier 6: short-termism.

Their effect on hazard decisions is undocumented.

Barrier 7: civil-society engagement. Engagement has increased, largely through transparency and litigation rather than participatory framing (claim 8).

Critiques and gaps.

Verdict: held up. Every barrier recurs clearly in post-2013 cases. The PFAS record (industry knowledge by 1970, restrictions in the 2020s) is close to a textbook instance of barriers 1, 4, 5 and 6 together. The claim that the barriers “explain much” remains an interpretive judgement, not a tested finding.

Implications for weight. Use the seven-barrier list as a strong diagnostic checklist (digest insights 6, 7 and 13). Add two barriers the chapter underplays: divergent independent assessments, and genuine trade-offs. Barrier 4 is the most useful for a lens. The fight over evidentiary standards is now explicit, and a framework that treats “how much evidence is enough” as a value choice is well placed to analyse it.


Claim 2. Public research funding is skewed toward product development (about 3% of EUR 28.5 billion on hazards; 1% of USDA biotech research)#

Original claim (p. 646). “Over the past two decades public research funding by the EU on nanotechnology, biotechnology and information technology was heavily biased towards product development, with only about 3 % of the EUR 28.5 billion budget spent on investigating their potential hazards.” No source is given. In the US, 1% of USD 1.8 billion of USDA biotechnology research (1992–2002) went to risk-related research (Mellon 2003).

Subsequent developments

The EU figure. The underlying analysis appeared a year later as Hansen and Gee (2014), prepared “in preparation for volume 2” [S34]. Its Table 1 gives, for EU Framework Programmes 4–7:

Area EHS share of research funding
All research and technological development (RTD) 0.6% (EUR 625 million of EUR 96.2 billion)
Nanotechnology 2.3% (EUR 112 million of EUR 4.9 billion)
Biotechnology about 4% (EUR 272.6 million of EUR 7.449 billion)
Information and communication technologies (EMF research only) 0.09% (EUR 17.7 million of EUR 18.779 billion)

Hansen and Gee recommend devoting “some 5–15% of RTD” to EHS research.

US nanotechnology.

USDA. The statute now requires USDA to withhold “at least 2 percent” of its biotechnology research outlays for risk-assessment grants (7 U.S.C. §5921(g)(2)) [S37]. That is double the 1% the chapter reports, but still small.

EU chemicals. The EU launched the Partnership for the Assessment of Risks from Chemicals (PARC). It has “a total budget of over 400 million euro” over seven years and about 200 organisations (Marx-Stoelting et al., January 2023) [S38]. This is a substantial public investment in risk-assessment science, but I found no figure for its share of Horizon Europe.

Agenda-setting evidence. A scoping review of 36 studies found industry sponsorship “tends to prioritize lines of inquiry that focus on products, processes, or activities that can be commercialized”. Document studies showed industries reshaping “entire fields of research” (Fabbri et al., AJPH, September 2018) [S39].

Research inertia (the chapter’s companion point). Research concentrates on well-known agents:

Verdict: partly held up. The direction of the claim is well supported and, for the EU, probably understated. US data show hazard-research shares can rise after warnings and then erode. The specific EU figure is unsourced in the chapter and cannot be reproduced from the authors’ own published table. All such ratios depend heavily on how “hazard research” is classified.

Implications for weight. Give moderate-to-strong weight to the structural point (digest insight 5): public R&D spending on a new technology dwarfs spending on its hazards, and the share is politically fragile. Do not quote “3% of EUR 28.5 billion”. Cite Hansen and Gee (2014) directly, with its classification caveats. The US series is a useful illustration that attention to hazards is not self-sustaining.


Claim 3. Prediction: industries with hazardous products to defend “would employ similar strategies, including trying to control … the relevant scientific research”#

Original claim (pp. 645–646). Tobacco, lead, vinyl chloride, beryllium and climate-change cases show “product defence” campaigns. “It seems likely that other industries with hazardous products to defend today would employ similar strategies, including trying to control, directly or indirectly, the relevant scientific research.” Loaded language (“natural”, “sound science”) is part of the repertoire.

Subsequent developments

Qualifications.

Verdict: held up. The prediction has been borne out across further industries (PFAS, glyphosate, sugar, fossil fuels). It is now supported by peer-reviewed cross-industry typologies. The main limits: the evidence is mostly retrospective, and the “manufactured doubt” charge is itself disputed in specific cases.

Implications for weight. Strong weight as a pattern to look for (digest insight 6). When hazard evidence depends on data generated or controlled by the product’s owner, expect this repertoire:

Pair the pattern with the counterweight that interested parties on all sides can shape evidence.


Claim 4. Methods are biased toward false negatives; absent Bradford Hill features are not robust evidence against causation; misuse of significance testing persists#

Original claim (pp. 652–654). Under multicausality:

Subsequent developments

Statistical significance. Mainstream statistics moved strongly toward the chapter’s position.

Bradford Hill criteria. The criteria are being reinterpreted in ways that partly support and partly cut against the chapter.

False negatives in hazard testing. BPA is the main post-2013 test case.

The other direction. Research methods also generate false positives.

Verdict: partly held up. Two parts have held up and are now mainstream: the critique of significance misuse, and the asymmetry argument about causal criteria. The claim of a systematic bias toward false negatives holds for specific designs: low-powered hazard studies, guideline tests with limited endpoints, and “no significant difference” read as “no effect”. As a general claim about epidemiology and toxicology it is one-sided. The replication crisis and recall-bias work show that errors run in both directions.

Implications for weight. Strong weight for:

Moderate weight for the claim of a systematic false-negative bias. A lens should ask which error each specific design is prone to, rather than assume one direction.


Claim 5. Funding bias (results tracking the funder) is pervasive and “routinely” affects cost–benefit analysis#

Original claim (p. 654). Funding bias “has been observed in the tobacco literature … and then identified in other fields such as pharmaceuticals … the food and beverage industry … BPA … mobile phones … biomedics … GMOs”. It is also found “in cost‑benefit analysis where the direction of bias is routinely in the direction of those who fund the study”. The chapter itself says “the explanation for this bias is not clear”.

Subsequent developments

There was “no difference in harms results” (RR 1.37, 0.64–2.93). Industry studies did not have higher risk of bias on standard domains and were more often low-risk on blinding (Lundh et al., 16 February 2017) [S63]. The effect therefore operates through framing, comparators and interpretation more than through crude methodological flaws. - Food and beverages. - Systematic reviews of sugar-sweetened beverages with food-industry conflicts were five times more likely to conclude no association with weight gain (RR 5.0, 1.3–19.3; Bes-Rastrollo et al., PLoS Medicine, 31 December 2013) [S64]. - A 2016 meta-analysis across nutrition studies found favourable conclusions more likely with industry sponsorship, but not significantly so (RR 1.31, 0.99–1.72; Chartres, Fabbri and Bero, JAMA Internal Medicine) [S65]. - GM crops. In 672 studies of Bt-crop efficacy and durability, 40% had conflicts of interest. Conflicts were associated with a “50% higher frequency of outcomes favorable” to the company (Guillemaud et al., PLoS ONE, December 2016) [S66]. - Agenda effects. Sponsorship shapes which questions are asked, not only the answers (Fabbri et al. 2018) [S39]. - Cost–benefit and cost estimates. - I found no post-2013 systematic study showing that cost–benefit results track the funder “routinely”. - Retrospective studies of regulatory costs (Simpson 2014 [S23]; Kopits et al. 2014 on EPA case studies [S67]) find ex ante estimates commonly exceed ex post costs. They debate whether this reflects bias. - For transport megaprojects, Flyvbjerg’s “iron law” (“over budget, over time, over and over again”, 2014) supports systematic underestimation by promoters [S68]. Love and Ahiaga-Dagbui (2018) contest the “strategic misrepresentation” explanation [S69]. - Contested cost-of-inaction estimates for endocrine disrupters (claim 1) illustrate that interest-aligned disputes run in both directions [S24, S25].

Verdict: partly held up. Funding bias is firmly established for drug and device research. It is well supported in sugar-sweetened beverage reviews and GM Bt-crop studies, and weaker or non-significant across nutrition studies in general. “Pervasive” is broadly right as a pattern. “Routinely” in cost–benefit analysis is not evidenced by anything I found. The mechanism the chapter calls “not clear” is now better understood as operating through agenda-setting, comparators and interpretation.

Implications for weight. Moderate-to-strong weight for “who funds and frames the research shapes what is found” (digest insight 5). Weight it more heavily where the product’s owner controls the data. Treat the cost–benefit claim as a plausible hypothesis, not an established lesson.


Claim 6. A “vast ocean of scientific ignorance” around nanotechnology, GM food, mobile-phone radiation and consumer chemicals warrants precaution after credible early warnings; BPA, neonicotinoids and endocrine disrupters are emerging risks for more precautionary action#

Original claim (pp. 644, 655). Where the “knowledge‑to‑ignorance ratio” is low, “as with emerging technologies”, there is a need for “precautionary measures following credible early warnings and for novel research” (p. 655). Named fields: “nanotechnologies, biotechnologies and non‑ionising radiation technologies and chemicals used in consumer and other products”. The Volume 2 chemical cases “primarily illustrate how more precautionary action could be applied to chemical risks emerging now, such as those from Bisphenol A (BPA) and other chemicals, nicotinoid pesticides, and endocrine disrupting substances” (p. 644).

Subsequent developments, by field

Chemical risks (the p. 644 set): mostly toward the chapter’s view.

Technologies (the p. 655 set): mostly away from the chapter’s view.

Verdict: partly held up. The chemical warnings (BPA, neonicotinoids, EDCs and persistent consumer chemicals) have mostly moved toward the chapter’s view in EU regulation. They remain contested elsewhere, and neonicotinoid bans involved real trade-offs. The technology warnings grouped as a “vast ocean of ignorance” have diverged:

The knowledge-to-ignorance ratio proved hard to judge in advance. The chapter put four very different fields in one class.

Implications for weight.


Claim 7. Early action stimulates innovation; late action consolidated monopolies “at unrealistically low prices” and kept smarter substitutes out#

Original claim (p. 659). “Several of the case studies (asbestos, lead, mercury, PCBs, CFCs, benzene) indicate that early actions can stimulate innovations and conversely illustrate how late actions have consolidated technological monopolies for products, at unrealistically low prices, which served to keep smarter substitutes out of the markets for many years.” The chapter cites the Porter hypothesis.

Subsequent developments

The innovation half.

The lock-in half. This gained strong new evidence from one of the chapter’s own cases, asbestos. The US EPA’s 2024 rule on chrysotile asbestos (89 FR 21970, 28 March 2024) found [S93]:

This is almost exactly the mechanism the chapter describes: late action lets a hazardous technology become embedded in long-lived capital, while a better substitute exists.

Verdict: partly held up. Lock-in and delayed substitution are well supported. The asbestos rule is a clear post-2013 illustration. “Early action stimulates innovation” holds in the weak sense. The implied net gain, and the assumption that substitutes will be “smarter”, are not supported in general. Regrettable substitution and risk–risk trade-offs (claim 6, neonicotinoids) recur and need to be designed for.

Implications for weight.

A lens should look for class-based rules and alternatives assessment as safeguards against regrettable substitution.


Claim 8. Participation recommendations “do not appear to be reflected in most existing international and European arrangements”; European authorities are improving, including public access to company data#

Original claim (pp. 659–660). Authoritative bodies recommend public involvement “at all stages of the risk analysis process”, especially problem framing (Fig. 27.2; NAS 2009). These recommendations “do not appear to be reflected in most existing international and European arrangements”, although European authorities are “continuously improving”. Examples are stakeholder platforms, consultation on questions put to assessors, and “improved public access to the scientific data submitted by companies … (EFSA, 2013)”.

Subsequent developments

Its recitals credit the European Citizens’ Initiative on glyphosate with confirming “concerns regarding transparency with respect to studies commissioned by the industry” (recital 27). This is a direct lesson-learning response of the kind the chapter hoped for. - Access to data through the courts. The General Court ruled on access to glyphosate toxicity studies in Tweedale v EFSA (T‑716/14, 7 March 2019) [S95]. - Access to justice. After the Aarhus Convention Compliance Committee found the EU non-compliant (ACCC/C/2008/32), the EU widened NGOs’ right to request internal review of EU acts (Regulation (EU) 2021/1767, 6 October 2021) [S96]. The route has produced results: in PAN Europe v Commission (C‑316/24 P, 18 December 2025) the Court of Justice partly annulled the Commission’s refusal to review its renewal of the insecticide cypermethrin [S97]. - Participation in framing. Pre-registered protocols subject to public consultation now exist for some high-profile assessments; EFSA’s 2023 BPA opinion used “a pre-established protocol … that had undergone public consultation” [S58]. The US National Academies urged regulators to “proactively seek input from the public” on new genetic-engineering technologies (2016) [S81]. I found no evidence that structured public participation in framing hazard questions has become standard in EU chemical regulation or in international food-standard bodies. I did not examine Codex or the FAO/WHO food-additives committee (JECFA) arrangements directly. - Evidence that participation improves outcomes. I found none, positive or negative, specific to hazard assessment.

Verdict: partly held up.

Implications for weight. Moderate weight (digest insight 12). The durable lesson is narrower than the chapter’s: what advanced was disclosure of underlying data, registration of commissioned studies and legal standing to challenge decisions. These are checkable features for a lens. Participatory framing remains a normative recommendation with thin evidence.


Claim 9. The Interphone confusion arose because scientists did not clearly separate suggestive evidence of risk from proof of causation#

Original claim (p. 657). Commentators’ confusion arose “because scientists were not transparent and clear about the difference between the very strong evidence needed to establish ‘causality’ and the suggestive evidence of plausible risks”. The chapter quotes Interphone as concluding: “There were suggestions of an increased risk of glioma, and much less of menigioma, at the highest level of exposure….. (but) biases and errors limit the strength of the conclusion we can draw from these analyses and prevent a causal interpretation.” The BBC reported “No proof of mobile cancer risk” and The Telegraph “Half an hour of mobile use a day increases brain cancer risk” (17 May 2010).

Check against the published abstract. The abstract (Interphone Study Group, International Journal of Epidemiology 39:675–694, published 17 May 2010) [S98] reports:

Its Conclusions read: “Overall, no increase in risk of glioma or meningioma was observed with use of mobile phones. There were suggestions of an increased risk of glioma at the highest exposure levels, but biases and error prevent a causal interpretation.”

Subsequent evidence

Verdict: weakened.

Implications for weight. Low weight for this example. Keep the generic lesson (digest insights 1 and 3): communicate the strength of evidence explicitly, and say who bears the risk of error. Add the lesson this case now teaches: a weak signal can come from recall and selection bias. Suggestive signals need bias analysis before they are treated as early warnings.


Claim 10. Wider use of the precautionary principle, with humility and public engagement, would “help anticipate and minimise many future hazards, while stimulating innovation”#

Original claim (p. 662; also p. 643). “Armed with more humility in the face of scientific uncertainty and ignorance, and supported by broad and effective public engagement, they could apply the precautionary principle more widely. In so doing, they would help anticipate and minimise many future hazards, while stimulating innovation.” Box 27.5 (von Schomberg) adds responsible research and innovation (RRI) as the upstream complement.

Subsequent developments

Uptake and legal resilience of the PP.

The countervailing turn.

RRI (Box 27.5). Horizon Europe retains RRI language, asking that citizens and civil society be involved “in co-designing and co-creating responsible research and innovation (RRI) agendas” (recital 51) [S108]. Its leading proponents, including von Schomberg, described the project in 2021 as “an unfinished journey” (Owen, von Schomberg and Macnaghten) [S110].

Evidence on outcomes. The post-2013 record contains cases that fit the claim:

It also contains cases that cut against it:

I found no systematic study that tests whether wider application of precaution produced net reductions in harm alongside increased innovation. The Porter-hypothesis literature (claim 7) is the nearest proxy, and it supports only the weak form.

Verdict: contested. The claim is a normative forecast, not a finding. Post-2013 events supply examples for both sides. Official EU and US policy moved, unevenly, against the chapter’s direction. Courts and parts of EU chemicals regulation sustained it. The chapter argues only for “more” despite its title, and it gives no guidance on risk–risk trade-offs, regrettable substitution or when to lift measures. Those were exactly the points on which post-2013 critics and policymakers pressed.

Implications for weight. Treat as the author’s position, not a lesson. The chapter’s durable contributions to a lens are its tools:

Its conclusion that wider precaution will both prevent harm and stimulate innovation should be treated as a hypothesis to test case by case, alongside the innovation-principle counter-claim.


Sources#

Dates are publication dates unless stated; “accessed” dates are 26 September 2026. Abstracts were read via Europe PMC unless stated.

Documentary evidence of product defence and corporate influence - [S1] Gaber, N., Bero, L., Woodruff, T. J. The Devil they Knew: Chemical Documents Analysis of Industry Influence on PFAS Science. Annals of Global Health 89(1):37 (1 June 2023). https://doi.org/10.5334/aogh.4013 - [S5] Legg, T., Hatchard, J., Gilmore, A. B. The Science for Profit Model—How and why corporations influence science and the use of science in policy and practice. PLoS ONE 16:e0253272 (23 June 2021). https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0253272 - [S6] Goldberg, R. F., Vandenberg, L. N. The science of spin: targeted strategies to manufacture doubt with detrimental effects on environmental and public health. Environmental Health 20:33 (26 March 2021). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12940-021-00723-0 - [S7] Gilmore, A. B., et al. Defining and conceptualising the commercial determinants of health. Lancet 401:1194–1213 (23 March 2023). https://doi.org/10.1016/S0140-6736(23)00013-2 - [S41] Williams, G. M., Kroes, R., Munro, I. C. Retraction notice to “Safety evaluation and risk assessment of the herbicide Roundup and its active ingredient, glyphosate, for humans” [Regul. Toxicol. Pharmacol. 31 (2000) 117–165]. Regulatory Toxicology and Pharmacology 106006 (online 4 December 2025). https://doi.org/10.1016/j.yrtph.2025.106006 (notice text not retrieved; record via Europe PMC PMID 41428335) - [S42] Borgert, C. J., et al. Retraction of the landmark glyphosate safety publication by Williams, Kroes and Munro (2000) should be reversed. EXCLI Journal 25:1107–1116 (14 July 2026). https://doi.org/10.17179/excli2026-9644 - [S43] Moretto, A., Boobis, A. R. Retraction of Williams et al. (2000) does not affect the conclusions of the 2016 FAO/WHO JMPR evaluation of glyphosate. Regulatory Toxicology and Pharmacology 168:106065 (4 March 2026). https://doi.org/10.1016/j.yrtph.2026.106065 (title and record only) - [S44] Kearns, C. E., Schmidt, L. A., Glantz, S. A. Sugar Industry and Coronary Heart Disease Research: A Historical Analysis of Internal Industry Documents. JAMA Internal Medicine 176:1680–1685 (November 2016). https://doi.org/10.1001/jamainternmed.2016.5394 - [S45] Supran, G., Rahmstorf, S., Oreskes, N. Assessing ExxonMobil’s global warming projections. Science 379:eabk0063 (January 2023). https://doi.org/10.1126/science.abk0063 - [S46] WHO. WHO Statement on Philip Morris funded Foundation for a Smoke-Free World (28 September 2017). https://www.who.int/news/item/28-09-2017-who-statement-on-philip-morris-funded-foundation-for-a-smoke-free-world

Precautionary principle: reception, law and policy - [S8] Garnett, K., Parsons, D. J. Multi-Case Review of the Application of the Precautionary Principle in European Union Law and Case Law. Risk Analysis 37(3):502–516 (online 18 May 2016; issue 2017). https://doi.org/10.1111/risa.12633 - [S9] Löfstedt, R. The precautionary principle in the EU: Why a formal review is long overdue. Risk Management 16(3):137–163 (August 2014). https://doi.org/10.1057/rm.2014.7 (title and record only) - [S10] Court of Justice (Grand Chamber). Case C‑616/17, Criminal proceedings against Mathieu Blaise and Others, judgment of 1 October 2019 (CELEX 62017CJ0616). https://curia.europa.eu/juris/liste.jsf?num=C-616/17 ; text retrieved via http://publications.europa.eu/resource/celex/62017CJ0616 - [S16] Executive Order 14303, Restoring Gold Standard Science. 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